KATHMANDU: Bidya Devi Bhandari may have stepped down as Nepal’s President on March 13, 2023, but she is far from retired. Even without an official political position, she remains one of the most powerful figures in Nepal’s leftist politics. Leaders across the CPN-UML spectrum—whether allies, critics, or emerging politicians—seek her advice. While she maintains a public stance of political neutrality, behind closed doors, she is still shaping decisions, negotiating party disputes, and influencing Nepal’s communist movement.

Her legacy as Nepal’s first female President (2015–2023) is deeply intertwined with her long political career, which spans over four decades. From a student activist in the 1970s to becoming a formidable leader in the CPN-UML, she has consistently played the role of both strategist and survivor. Her ability to balance party factions and navigate crises has cemented her reputation as Nepal’s most enduring female leader.

Bidya Devi Bhandari, Nepal’s first female president, is once again at the center of political intrigue. Since leaving office in March 2023, she has carefully weighed her next political steps, engaging in closed-door discussions while keeping her intentions deliberately ambiguous. Unlike other leaders who stage comebacks with loud declarations, Bhandari has opted for a more measured approach—reactivating her party membership, strengthening ties with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), and quietly building momentum for a potential return to active politics.

Her recent maneuvers have sparked speculation that she could emerge as Nepal’s first female prime minister. Party insiders suggest her return could unify the fractured Left Bloc, creating a formidable political force.
Bhandari’s calculated moves indicate a preference for consensus with UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli over confrontation. Her relationship with UML Chairman Oli remains a subject of intense scrutiny—while she avoids direct opposition, she is also careful not to be seen as his protégé. She doesn’t want to be in Oli’s shadow, but she also understands the risks of alienating him, observes a political analysts in Nepal. This delicate balancing act underscores her strategic acumen.

Throughout her presidency, Bhandari was both a symbol of progress and a polarizing figure. Supporters credit her with lending gravitas to the office, while critics accuse her of favoring UML interests and overstepping constitutional boundaries. Yet, there is no denying her impact—her tenure saw the implementation of Nepal’s new constitution, navigating coalition politics, and shaping the country’s post-monarchy governance.

As Nepal grapples with political instability, Bhandari’s return could recalibrate the nation’s political power dynamics. Concerns over UML’s declining vote share and growing public dissatisfaction with the Congress-UML alliance add urgency to her reemergence. Within the party, many see her as the natural successor to Oli’s leadership. There is a vacuum after Oli & Bhandari is the most viable leader to fill that space.

But her comeback is not without challenges. Allegations of partisanship during her presidency linger, and the political landscape is more fractured than ever. Whether she can navigate these complexities remains to be seen. Yet, her growing political activity signals that a return is imminent. If she does step back into the arena, Bhandari won’t just be reclaiming power—she will be redefining what leadership looks like in a changing Nepal.

Will Bidya Devi Bhandari return to politics?

Bidya Devi Bhandari sits in a quiet corner of her Kathmandu residence in Budanilakantha, busy in meeting one political figure after another. Her post-presidency days are anything but ordinary. After a historic tenure as Nepal’s first female president, Bhandari is now navigating the complex pathways of a political comeback. For someone who has wielded immense power as head of state, her next move is being watched with bated breath. Will she re-enter active politics? And if she does, will she chart her own course or walk in the shadow of her long-time ally and UML Chairman, KP Sharma Oli?

Speculation has been rife about Bhandari’s intentions ever since her departure from the presidency. While she has kept her cards close to her chest, her growing activism has left little doubt about her ambitions. Close aides reveal that she has been in frequent discussions with leaders across the political spectrum, particularly within the CPN-UML, where she recently renewed her party membership. In these gatherings, a chorus of voices has urged her to step back into politics, with some even suggesting she could be Nepal’s first female prime minister.
Yet, Bhandari’s return to politics is not just a matter of personal ambition; it is intricately tied to the future of the UML and Nepal’s leftist bloc. A faction within the UML sees her as a potential unifier, a leader who could bring the UML and Maoists together in a new coalition. Their vision is bold: to position Bhandari as a universal leader, capable of galvanizing Nepal’s fractured left under a single banner.

But politics is rarely that simple. The current UML president, KP Sharma Oli, remains a towering figure in the party, with ambitions of his own. Oli’s support was pivotal in Bhandari’s ascent to the presidency, and their political partnership has been mutually beneficial. However, Oli has made it clear that he intends to serve another term as UML president, leaving little room for Bhandari to claim the leadership mantle.

For her part, Bhandari seems unwilling to challenge Oli directly. “They’ve always been aligned,” says a senior UML leader who spoke on condition of anonymity. “Their relationship is one of mutual respect and dependency. It’s hard to imagine them competing against each other.” Instead, Bhandari appears to be positioning herself as a consensus-builder, someone who can return to politics with Oli’s blessing rather than his opposition.

This balancing act is not without challenges. The UML has been grappling with internal dissent, declining voter support, and growing anti-establishment sentiment. Some party insiders believe Bhandari could help reverse these trends, particularly by appealing to disillusioned leftist voters. Others, however, worry that her return could disrupt the party’s fragile equilibrium.

Meanwhile, Bhandari’s critics have not forgotten her tenure as president, a period marked by accusations of political bias and partisanship. Her detractors argue that she failed to rise above party politics and act as a neutral head of state. These allegations continue to cast a shadow over her legacy, complicating her potential return to active politics.
And yet, Bhandari’s appeal remains undeniable. Her rise from a grassroots politician to Nepal’s first female president is a testament to her resilience and political acumen. As someone who has broken barriers and navigated the treacherous waters of Nepal’s patriarchal political system, she embodies a rare blend of strength and pragmatism.

For now, Bhandari seems content to bide her time. Her strategy appears to hinge on two key factors: Oli’s willingness to welcome her back into the party and her ability to position herself as a unifying force within Nepal’s leftist movement. While the path ahead is fraught with uncertainty, one thing is clear: Bhandari is not done making history.
As Nepal’s political landscape continues to evolve, all eyes are on Bidya Devi Bhandari. Will she reclaim her place in the UML and the broader leftist bloc? Or will she choose to remain on the sidelines, an enigmatic figure in Nepal’s political narrative? For now, the former president is keeping everyone guessing—but her next move could change the course of Nepali politics forever.

What recent activities have brought Bidya Devi Bhandari back into the political spotlight?

Over the past two years, former president Bidya Devi Bhandari has garnered attention for attending a CPN-UML and other functions, where she addressed various public programs as well addressed five thousand UML women cadres last year. Additionally, there were credible reports suggesting she renewed her UML party membership, which she had relinquished in 2015. However, these reports remain unconfirmed by Bhandari or the UML.

Is Bidya Devi Bhandari allowed to re-enter active politics under Nepal’s Constitution?

Yes, there is no constitutional prohibition preventing Bhandari from returning to active politics. UML leaders close to her argue that she could become a unifying figure within the party and a prominent national leader due to her clean image and broad acceptability.

Does Bidya Devi Bhandari still receive state benefits as a former president?

Some lawmakers questioned whether Bhandari could continue receiving state benefits if she renewed her UML membership. However, Bhandari has chosen to live in her private home rather than accept the government’s offer of an official residence, which suggests she has minimized her dependence on state resources.

What role might Bidya Devi Bhandari play if she returns to active politics?

If Bhandari re-enters active politics, she could:
* Serve as a unifying figure within the UML.
* Potentially lead the UML after KP Sharma Oli steps down.
* Play a central role in strengthening leftist alliances, possibly contributing to a coalition where Oli becomes prime minister, Dahal becomes president, and Bhandari leads the party.

Has Bhandari expressed any intentions about returning to active politics?

Bhandari has not committed to returning to politics but has also not ruled it out. She stated that she had not made a decision yet and encouraged UML members to focus on strengthening the party rather than power struggles. She hinted that she might re-engage in politics by the next UML convention or before the 2027 elections.

Did political leaders discuss Bhandari’s political future before her retirement?

Yes, during an informal gathering before her retirement, leaders like UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, and CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahalasked her about her political plans. Bhandari avoided making any commitments, leaving the decision open.

Could Bidya Devi Bhandari emerge as KP Sharma Oli’s successor in the UML?

While the party has not officially discussed leadership after Oli, some second-tier UML leaders, such as Bishnu Pokhrel, Ishwor Pokhrel, and Shankar Pokhrel, might support Bhandari as a unifying figure. Her broad acceptance and legacy make her a strong candidate to lead the party after Oli’s tenure.

What are the prospects of Bidya Devi Bhandari in a leftist coalition?

If a leftist alliance forms after the 2027 elections, Bhandari could play a prominent role. UML leaders envision a potential scenario where Oli becomes prime minister, Dahal becomes president, and Bhandari leads the UML. Such a coalition could consolidate leftist forces under unified leadership.

How has Bhandari addressed speculation about her return?

Bhandari has been cautious in addressing speculation about her return. While she has refrained from making definitive statements, her participation in UML events and her advice to focus on party unity indicate she remains engaged with political developments.

What controversies marked Bidya Devi Bhandari’s presidency?
Bhandari’s second term as President was widely criticized for exceeding constitutional boundaries, favoritism toward her former party (UML), and delaying or refusing key ordinances and bills. Critics argued that she acted more like a political extension of the UML than an impartial head of state.

How did President Bhandari handle ordinances?

She faced significant backlash for selectively endorsing ordinances. For example, during her first term, she delayed the Medical Education Ordinance and the National Assembly election ordinance. In her second term, she was accused of partisan bias, quickly approving ordinances favorable to the KP Sharma Oli-led government while delaying others, such as the Citizenship Bill.

What constitutional violations was Bhandari accused of?
Bhandari was criticized for refusing to endorse the Citizenship Bill, which had been passed twice by both houses of parliament. This action violated constitutional provisions that mandate the President to authenticate such bills within 15 days.
Was Bhandari accused of political bias?
Yes, she was frequently accused of favoring the UML party. Her actions, including quick approvals of the Oli government’s controversial ordinances and decisionsincluding dissolution of the House of Representative twice, fueled accusations of partisanship.

Did Bhandari involve herself in UML’s internal matters?


Analysts accused that she actively participated in UML’s internal affairs in her presidency time, including mediating disputes within the party. Such involvement was seen as inappropriate for a President who should remain impartial in constitutional sprit.

How did Bhandari’s geopolitical actions cause controversy?

Despite opposition from Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, she sent a recorded message to a Global Security Initiative-related function in Beijing, raising concerns about her involvement in geopolitical matters.Some insiders have claimed that this step was taken in consultation with the then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba.

What was the public’s perception of Bhandari as Nepal’s first female President?

Initially celebrated as a milestone for women’s representation, her tenure received mixed reactions. While some viewed her leadership role with optimism, seeing her as a guardian for all Nepalis, many were disappointed by her perceived lack of advocacy for women, marginalized communities, and oppressed groups. Critics argued that she missed the opportunity to serve as a transformative figure for equality and inclusivity. However, supporters believed she transcended caste, gender, and community, positioning herself as a unifying figure and a decisive guardian for all Nepalis.

Were there any positive initiatives during Bhandari’s tenure?

The President’s Women Uplift Program, launched in April 2017, was a notable effort aimed at providing skill development and training for Dalit, indigenous, marginalized, and Muslim women.

How did Bhandari’s presidency affect constitutional practices in Nepal?

Her actions frequently necessitated judicial review, highlighting weaknesses in Nepal’s constitutional maturity. Analysts believe her tenure underscores the need for stronger checks and balances.

Why was Bhandari criticized for her stance on House dissolutions?

She faced backlash for hastily endorsing two unconstitutional House dissolutions recommended by the Oli government, both of which were overturned by the Supreme Court. Critics argued she failed to act as a safeguard against executive overreach.

Did Bhandari’s presidency cause public inconveniences?

Yes, her presidential convoys some time disrupted public life, which analysts noted as an example of Nepal’s immature approach to constitutional practices.

How did Bhandari’s presidency influence public trust in the office?


Critics argued that her visible biases and controversial decisions eroded trust in the presidency as an impartial constitutional body. Analysts believe her tenure set a precedent that future presidents must work to correct.Her supporters argue, in contrast to her critics, that she handled her responsibilities with great sensitivity during a pivotal turning point in the nation’s history, fulfilling her role as a guardian with remarkable skill and dedication.

How did Bhandari rise from a hillside village to the national stage?

Born on June 19, 1961, in Guranse village, Bhojpur, Bidya Devi Bhandari grew up in a middle-class farming family. She was the eldest of five siblings, raised by her parents Ram Bahadur Pandey and Mithila Pandey. Life in Nepal’s eastern hills was challenging, but it instilled in her a resilience that would define her political career.
Bhandari completed her school education in Bhojpur before moving to Biratnagar, Morang, for higher studies. It was during her student years in the late 1970s that she became politically active, joining the All Nepal National Free Students Union (ANNFSU), the student wing of the then Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) – CPN-ML.
At a time when Nepal was under the Panchayat system, an autocratic regime with no political parties, she became involved in underground communist activism. By the early 1980s, she had secured membership in the CPN-ML and was rapidly climbing the ranks as an influential youth leader.

How did Bhandari’s marriage, tragedy, and political awakening shape her journey?

In 1981, Bhandari married Madan Kumar Bhandari, a rising star in Nepal’s communist movement. Madan Bhandari would go on to become the General Secretary of CPN-ML (1989–1991) and later the unified CPN-UML (1991–1993), introducing the doctrine of Janatako Bahudaliya Janawad (People’s Multiparty Democracy)—a blend of socialism and democratic principles that remains the ideological foundation of the UML today.

For 11 years, Bhandari was both a political leader and a supportive wife, raising their two daughters, Usha Kiran and Nisha Kusum. But her world changed abruptly on May 16, 1993, when Madan Bhandari died in a controversial jeep accident at Dasdhunga, Chitwan. Many within the UML and the broader public believe his death was an assassination, but the case remains unresolved. At just 32 years old, Bidya Devi Bhandari was left to raise her daughters alone. Instead of withdrawing, she stepped further into politics, determined to uphold her late husband’s legacy.

What is the political history of Bidya Devi Bhandari’s career?

Her first major political battle came in 1994, when she contested the Kathmandu-1 by-election, defeating former Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai of the Nepali Congress. It was a remarkable victory, proving that she was more than just the widow of a legendary leader.

She solidified her position by winning two consecutive general elections from Kathmandu-2 in 1994 and 1999. In the 1994 elections, she defeated former Speaker of Parliament Daman Nath Dhungana of Nepali Congress.
After the 2006 Janaandolan (People’s Movement II), which led to the abolition of the monarchy, Bhandari was a member of the Interim Parliament (2007–2008). However, she lost the 2008 Constituent Assembly election from Kathmandu-4 to Nepali Congress candidate Suprabha Ghimire. She returned to power in the 2013 Constituent Assembly elections under the Proportional Representation (PR) system, securing a seat in the body that drafted Nepal’s new Constitution.

Beyond electoral politics, Bhandari played a pivotal role in advancing women’s rights in Nepal. She led the All Nepal Women Association (ANWA), the UML’s women’s wing, for nearly two decades. During her tenure as ANWA President (1997–2015), she was instrumental in securing 33% representation for women in all sectors of governance, a landmark achievement that was later enshrined in the 2015 Constitution.

What was Bidya Devi Bhandari’s ministerial role before becoming president?

Bidya Devi Bhandari served as the Minister for Environment and Population in 1997 under Prime Minister Lokendra Bahadur Chand. Later, she made history as Nepal’s first female Minister of Defense, holding the position from May 25, 2009, to February 6, 2011, in the government led by Madhav Kumar Nepal.
Her tenure as Defense Minister was particularly significant, as she managed the delicate integration of ex-Maoist combatants into Nepal’s national army following the 2006 peace process.

Why did Bidya Devi Bhandari’s presidency (2015–2023) face criticism?

On October 28, 2015, Bidya Devi Bhandari was elected as Nepal’s second President, becoming the first woman to hold the office. She was re-elected for a second term on March 13, 2018.

Her presidency was marked by both stability and controversy. She played a key role in executing the 2015 Constitution, representing Nepal internationally, and overseeing major national crises, including the 2015 earthquake recovery. However, she was criticized for her perceived alignment with CPN-UML Chair KP Sharma Oli, particularly when she approved Oli’s dissolution of Parliament (twice) in 2020 and 2021, triggering political turmoil.
Despite criticisms, she remained one of the most influential figures in Nepal’s communist movement throughout her presidency.

Is Bidya Devi Bhandari still a power center in the UML?

Yes, Since leaving office on March 13, 2023, Bhandari has not faded into the background. Instead, she has become a key behind-the-scenes strategist for the UML. Leaders across different factions frequently visit her for guidance, and her residence has become an unofficial center of power.
With CPN-UML divided internally, some party members are even pushing for her return to active politics. Although she has not publicly expressed any political ambitions, her influence remains undeniable.

What is the legacy of Bidya Devi Bhandari?

Bidya Devi Bhandari’s journey—from a small village in Bhojpur to Nepal’s highest office—is a testament to resilience, political acumen, and survival in the country’s male-dominated political landscape. She remains Nepal’s most powerful female leader and one of the most influential figures in leftist politics.
Her legacy will be debated—was she a unifying national figure or a partisan President? In UML & Nepal’s leftist movement, her influence still carries immense weight, and her role in shaping the UML’s future remains crucial.
(This article has utilized AI to structure the content in accordance with Nepal News’ AI policy.)