Why Is Critical Thinking Not a Crime?

By Md. Abusalah Sakender

The Bangladesh-based Anti-Discrimination Student Movement is not a religion.

However, since the movement's inception, some supporters and leaders have treated it as if it were.

Recently, some students have protested against those who opposed the movement or remained silent during it, viewing this as a crime under the leadership of a voluntarily resigned coordinator from Jagannath University.

From a political and civil rights perspective, however, citizens have the right to take a stand or remain silent during a movement.

Taking a position for or against the movement, maintaining a safe distance from both sides, and remaining silent cannot be deemed a crime.

For instance, in 1971, individuals who did not commit any crime but supported united Pakistan by opposing the liberation war were not considered criminals in post-independence Bangladesh.

Only those involved in genocide were labeled criminals and were despised by the Bengali masses.

Moreover, even if the Anti-Discrimination Movement were to take on religious characteristics, individuals would still retain the right to voice their opinions for or against it and to critique the movement.

Globally, people adhere to various religions. Engaging in critical discussions about religion is a hallmark of civilized society in the developing world.

Similarly, everyone has the right to criticize the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement or to take a stance against it.

During the Anti-Discrimination Movement, the Bangladeshi population divided into three groups: one supporting the government at the time, one backing the Anti-Discrimination Movement, and a third group that remained silent.

Additionally, those who supported the government and those who supported the Anti-Discrimination Movement were further divided. Some sought to protect the government at all costs, while others simply endorsed it.

Among the protesters during the movement, a significant number of Bangladeshis actively participated, while many supported it silently.

Those who merely supported the movement, opposed it, or chose to remain silent did not commit any crime; their support cannot be classified as criminal under the law.

The harassment they have faced in various forms since the uprising, simply for taking a side or remaining silent, is entirely unacceptable.

Since the beginning, I have supported the quota reform movement and written post-editorials to justify students' demands; however, when the movement turned violent, I chose to remain silent due to my ideological beliefs.

Like Mahatma Gandhi, I advocate for non-violent movements. Many Bangladeshi progressive secularists have distanced themselves from violence, yet in the post-revolution period, extremists have harassed them with vague accusations.

Through these unfounded claims, extremists aim to create a rift between the interim government and the secular progressive bloc, which is part of a broader extremist agenda.

Recently, another question has emerged: whether it is permissible to write about the Chhatra League (a student-based political organization) following its ban by the interim government.

From an academic standpoint, this subject can certainly be explored. Academics are free to write about any topic; there are no taboo subjects in academia.

It is the responsibility of academics to question any issues that can be examined and to conduct thorough investigations, which may result in various forms of critical analysis, such as books, research articles, or short commentaries. No one has the right to dictate what academics can write.

The backbone of academia is the university. University faculty members have the freedom to discuss, write, and think about any topic.

Globally, universities ensure the rights of their faculty to think freely, which is why they enjoy autonomy. In civilized societies, university teachers are afforded protections for free expression.

It is also the duty of university faculty to critically examine taboo subjects.

Therefore, as a university teacher, I have investigated the contemporary issue of the banning of the Chhatra League. I have no political affiliation, neither as a university teacher nor in my early life.

Thus, as an academic, I should guide the nation on this topic. In fulfilling my duty, I researched this issue and wrote a short article as a neutral commentary.

Noam Chomsky once said, "Intellectuals are in a position to expose the lies of governments, to analyze actions according to their causes and motives and often hidden intentions."

I aim to do the same in my writing. I analyzed the circumstances surrounding the banning of the Chhatra League by the current interim government and conducted a critical investigation in my article.

In my write-up, I called on the current government to take action against those who committed crimes during the uprising. However, extremists attempted to attack me by organizing a mob on my university campus in response to my article.

As a public intellectual, I cannot align myself with any group or party. My role as a writer and public intellectual requires me to critically analyze facts and events based on reliable sources. Unfortunately, extremists disregarded my academic rights and harassed me.

It is evident that extremist students are attempting to dominate university campuses across Bangladesh.

They are blinded by their ideology and do not believe in free thought. They view the university as a national institution, and as a result, they are attempting to impose control over university faculty by organizing mobs.

These mobs threaten free thinkers, including university teachers, and interfere with their right to write or speak.

Mobs have already attacked university teachers at various institutions. However, universities should be regarded not only on a national scale but also internationally.

If we focus solely on the university's physical location, we betray the very concept of a university.

Although a university is located in Bangladesh, it is not merely a national institution; it is a global institution, shaped by its nature, scope, and activities over centuries.

Extremists ignore this concept and attempt to seize control by creating mobs. Free thinking is anathema to extremists, so they try to stifle it by creating mobs and making vague claims against free thinkers in the post-revolutionary period.

The government, students, or any other authority cannot dictate what topics university faculty, researchers, or free thinkers may write about, discuss, or investigate.

They cannot be attacked for their writing or for expressing their opinions.

Assaulting university teachers or free thinkers for their writings is not the hallmark of a civilized society.

The current interim government of Bangladesh has promised to uphold freedom of expression, and this promise must be scrutinized if it attempts to control universities and their faculty, failing to stop the mob actions of extremists.

By safeguarding the freedom of expression for university faculty, the Bangladeshi interim government can contribute to the development of a civilized society for future generations.

The interim government must also ensure that university faculty, researchers, and writers possess the fundamental right to investigate any subject, including those that are banned or considered taboo.

The interim government and its appointed students should understand historical facts and how academia operates.

They must recognize that when a book is written about the current interim government of Bangladesh, researchers will examine all historical facts related to this unelected regime.

In critically assessing all issues initiated by the interim government, the historical evaluation will inevitably include the topic of the banning of the Chhatra League.

Writing about a banned or taboo subject should not be punishable, as it is not a crime. It only becomes a crime if the writer spreads propaganda, false information, or misinformation. However, critically analyzing a topic can never be considered a crime.

(Md. Abusalah Sakender is an Assistant Professor at Dept. of Islamic History & Culture, Jagannath University (Dhaka, Bangladesh). He can be reached at salah.sakender@outlook.com)